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Since October 7, I have watched Israeli television news every evening without exception. This routine has highlighted a pronounced disconnect between televised representations of the national mood and the accounts I hear directly from friends. On television, scenes of mourning and burials are abruptly juxtaposed with routine commercial advertisements—including those for products as banal as toothpaste. Conversations with friends depict a nation experiencing deep and pervasive despair, even in the shadow of military accomplishments. Yet at the same time, daily life appears to proceed uninterrupted: restaurants remain full, cultural activities continue, and travel abroad is widespread.

This incongruity raises a central analytical question:

Why does a profound sense of despair persist even while the rhythms of everyday life remain largely unchanged?

At its core, this despair arises from the widespread perception that two existential problems facing Israel—its conflict with the Palestinians and its internal sociopolitical fragmentation—are neither being addressed nor moving toward resolution. Both appear, in the public mind, increasingly intractable.

I. The Palestinian Problem

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Beyond the immediate human cost of the conflict, millions of Palestinians lack a viable future, political rights, or national identity. The international community demonstrates little willingness to absorb them or propose a working enduring solution. As a result, they remain stateless, without prospects, and trapped in an unsustainable status quo.

Each Palestinian born into these conditions—and shaped by global Islamic ideological currents that include aspirations for Muslim world domination—is, in my view, a potential terrorist. Attempts to eradicate terrorism thus become, in effect, attempts to subdue an entire nation—something history consistently demonstrates is impossible. Governments can be dismantled, but the collective spirit and identity of a nation persist.

II. The Internal Problem

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A second axis of instability arises from deep divisions within Israeli society. A significant segment of Orthodox Jews refrains from military service and does not participate in the nation’s economic productivity. Their lives are oriented toward religious study of the Torah and related texts. This imbalance has fostered resentment among liberal and secular Jews, who sustain the economy and bear the brunt of military sacrifice.

Liberal Israelis often perceive the Orthodox as parasitic. Conversely, the Orthodox regard liberals as betrayers of Jewish tradition, criticizing their consumption of non-kosher food, driving on the Sabbath, and disregard for religious norms. Many within the Orthodox community reject the legitimacy of the Israeli state itself.

The situation is further complicated by messianic Jewish groups whose actions intensify societal polarization. These groups accuse liberals—particularly in Tel Aviv—of abandoning the Zionist vision and the divine mandate to build a Jewish homeland. In turn, many liberals view messianic Jews as fascistic, asserting that they promote violence against Palestinians in pursuit of a homogenous Jewish state.

The mutual delegitimization across these three groups—liberals, Orthodox Jews, and messianic Jews—has reached alarming proportions. Hostility toward the Orthodox has become especially pronounced. I recently witnessed a televised incident in which police forcibly beat and dragged Orthodox Jews; such scenes, were they to occur in other countries, would quickly be labeled antisemitic.

III. Explaining the Persistence of “Normalcy”

Historical Continuity: Coping Through Continuity
A historical pattern may help explain why daily life appears to continue unaffected. For two millennia, Jews have survived by adapting, avoiding direct confrontation with insurmountable problems, and maintaining daily routines. When conditions became intolerable, the common response was emigration. Israel, however, offers no such outlet. Deep emotional and historical attachment to the land limits the option of departure. Consequently, even amid growing national despair, life continues—though with a sense of steady deterioration.

Many Israelis hope that the upcoming election will lead to the defeat of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (Bibi) and usher in a more effective government. I remain skeptical. The opposition is fragmented and lacks a coherent vision for addressing the fundamental challenges described above. Meaningful improvement appears unlikely. Furthermore, if international pressure imposes a two-state solution, the outcome may be even more unstable, as power could shift to Hamas or another militant organization. International governance, at best, offers a temporary and fragile arrangement. The way to solve Hamas is to remove the reason for its existence.

IV. Toward a Solution- A Dream

The Jewish people are historically traumatized after two thousand years of persecution, inquisitions, and the Holocaust. Trauma produces fear, and populations living in fear tend to rely on force as their primary problem-solving mechanism. This dynamic, in my assessment, explains many of Israel’s recent decisions.

Tragically, Palestinians are also governed by fear, generated by ongoing displacement and territorial encroachment. Their response, too, has been the use of force. When both sides act from fear and rely on power, fear intensifies on both sides, escalating the cycle. I worry deeply about where such escalation might lead, particularly given Israel’s nuclear capabilities.

A sustainable solution requires a cultural transformation—from fear to trust, and from mutual suspicion to mutual dependence. Israel must initiate a process of building mutual trust and respect, halting territorial expansion, encouraging joint economic ventures, and helping Palestinians build a viable future. When people have something to lose, terrorism becomes less attractive. In the current environment, many Palestinians have nothing to lose in death and much to gain, given the religious promise of heavenly reward.